07 janeiro, 2009

rosas brancas de mármore







Mancuso, J.
white marble rose
(2007)






Pablo Casals, suite nº1 (prelúdio) violoncelo Bach [2' 30'']

Imagem


Uma coisa branca,
Eis o meu desejo.

Uma coisa branca
De carne, de luz,

Talvez uma pedra,
Talvez uma testa,

Uma coisa branca.
Doce e profunda,

Nesta noite funda,
Fria e sem Deus.

Uma coisa branca,
Eis o meu desejo,

Que eu quero beijar,
Que eu quero abraçar,

Uma coisa branca
Para me encostar

E afundar o rosto.
Talvez um seio,

Talvez um ventre,
Talvez um braço,

Onde repousar.
Eis o meu desejo,

Uma coisa branca
Bem junto de mim,

Para me sumir,
Para me esquecer,

Nesta noite funda,
Fria e sem Deus.

Dante Milano

[Post feito a pensar nas crianças da faixa de Gaza e em todas as crianças de todas as faixas que...]

17 comentários:

Anónimo disse...

Gostei do blog.

Mas, essa de pensar nas crianças de Gaza...
Não se deve pensar assim.
Temos que pensar nas crianças todas.
As de Gaza são diferentes das do Rio de Janeiro?

Adorei o violoncelo.
Boa escolha musical.
João, Anónimo.

mdsol disse...

Olá João, Anónimo

Mas estão lá as crianças todas. Só o pretexto começou em Gaza...
:))

um Ar de disse...

Pois é...
.
[Beijo, cada vez mais agnóstico]

mariab disse...

Dói. As crianças, sobretudo. Demasiado cruel. Beijo

Clarice disse...

Pensar claro sobre um mundo em sofrimento, sem nos deixarmos escurecer...
infelizmente há muitas faixas!

Dois Rios disse...

Sim, minha querida. É o que todos desejamos. Uma coisa da cor da paz. Uma cor que muitas crianças não conhecem e outras tantas não conhecerão.

Às crianças que não serão adultos. Aos adultos que já foram crianças e não serão velhos. A todas as faixas (etárias e conflituosas). A todos nós, A COR DA PAZ.

Beijos do lado de cá, minha flor branca.

Inês

WOLKENGEDANKEN disse...

Há faixas demais e armas demais e quem produz as armas nunca passa nem perto dalguma faixa. Claro, só por responsabilidade social: as fábricas de armas dao muito trabalho e é um sector absolutamente resistente nas crises financieiras ou éticas ....

[ rod ] disse...

O branco é a junção de todas as cores e talvez daí a correlação com a desejada paz.

Bjs moça,




Novo Dogma:
levantaR-se...


dogMas...
dos atos, fatos e mitos...

http://do-gmas.blogspot.com/

mena m. disse...

Uma coisa branca,
Eis o meu desejo.


A PAZ!!!!!

E enquanto ela não chega,
um colo de mãe, gigante
uma doce voz que lhes cante,
belas canções de embalar...

heretico disse...

uma pétala branca te deixo...

JPD disse...

Bem precisam de apoio e solidariedade para que consigam libertar-se daquela hediondez de serem refens de opções politicas inqualificáveis.
Bjs

in_side disse...

Ya no existía nada,
la nada estaba ausente;
ni oscuridad, ni lumbre,
-ni unas manos celestes-
ni vida, ni destino,
ni misterio, ni muerte;
pero seguía volando,
des

((esperada(mente.

Duarte disse...

Como começaste o ano!!! Belo, sobre belo... um canto à paz tão desejada.

.))))

Abraços de paz

cristal disse...

Vou deixar-te aqui um texto que é um bocado longo, sobre o tema... Não tenho outra forma de mandar-to neste momento e acho que vale a pena ler...

Deborah Orr: There wouldn't have been Gaza rockets without the blockade
Blair to his credit at least understands that the invasion and the blockade are linked
Wednesday, 7 January 2009
Related Articles
• Robert Fisk: Why do they hate the West so much, we will ask
• Israel plans three-hour daily respite for Gaza
• Clegg urges Israel arms exports ban
• Donald Macintyre: So what will it take for Israel to stop fighting?
• Fares Akram: I heard the news... it's time to evacuate my pregnant wife
• Massacre of innocents as UN school is shelled
• Brown calls for international action over Gaza crisis
• Print
• Email
SearchSearch Go
Independent.co.uk Web
Bookmark & Share
• Digg It
• del.icio.us
• Facebook
• Reddit
What are these?
Change font size: A | A | A
Tony Blair, the Middle East envoy, reckons that a ceasefire in Gaza could be negotiated very soon, provided that the tunnels from Egypt that provide the territory with, among other things, smuggled weapons, are closed off. It's a shame that he did not express his ambitions in another way. Perhaps a ceasefire could be negotiated very soon if legitimate channels for the import of all goods except arms into Gaza were opened up.
Such a suggestion, however, might be seen as critical of Israel's own perceived position as a reluctant aggressor and defensive state. The international community has completely accepted Israel's justification for its attack on Gaza, so much so that all of its spokespeople are careful not to refer to any Israeli action that can be viewed as provocative, such as its suffocating 18-month long blockade on that tiny, overpopulated strip of land.
Supporters of Israel's action are fond of reiterating Israel's narrow justification for its action. Who else would put up with regular rocket attacks from a neighbour, it asks? No one suggests that they would be happy to. It is accepted that Israel has the right to defend itself, and so it should be. Yet few would acquiesce without protest to a swingeing two-year blockade by a neighbour either, though no Western leader ever seems seriously to ask that highly pertinent question.
On the contrary, Blair implies that in order to obtain a ceasefire, Gaza's Hamas leadership must prove itself willing to comply proactively with the blockade against it, as well as refraining from actually firing weapons. Yet Hamas does not only import arms through Egypt's tunnels. It also imports everything from livestock to medical supplies – about 90 per cent of all goods entering the area.
Politically Hamas is popular not only because of its refusal to abandon armed struggle and accept the state of Israel, but also because it organises social support more efficiently than other groups. Even during the siege it has found some ways to mitigate the effects of Israeli policy on Gazans. The blockade is viewed by many as "collective punishment", because it exists to discomfort ordinary citizens and thereby undermine the ability of Hamas to govern. The idea of the blockade was to turn Palestinians away from the group that it had democratically elected. Yet Blair's peace plan considers that the blockade should be extended, with the ability of the Israelis to control the flow of goods into Gaza further strengthened. So the long-standing humanitarian crisis that is the result of the blockade would actually be augmented in order that the more extreme and immediate horror of warfare could be curtailed.
Increasingly, the international community concerns itself mainly with crisis management in Israel-Palestine, and this plan of Blair's is a perfect example. Being seen as one of the brokers of a ceasefire is a fine thing. But a willingness to accept and refine a system that keeps 1.5 million people effectively imprisoned in order to achieve one, is not a strategy exactly guaranteed to foster long-term stability, or even hope. The Israeli fight is against Hamas in general, not just Hamas rockets, and the attack and the blockade are intimately linked.
Certainly, the ideological position of Hamas is abhorrent, as is the organisation's inability to comprehend the absurdity of its own propaganda. Its leadership insists that Israel should view its rocket-fire as "symbolic", and simply put up with it in order to preserve a fig-leaf of dignity for the Palestinians as "people of resistance".
In believing this, Hamas acknowledges the importance of symbolism. But it fails to understand that Israel cannot then accept what its rocket fire symbolises. This, of course, is the impossible ambition that Hamas will not relinquish – the imposition of an Islamist state covering all of the Israeli and Palestinian territories. Hamas wants Israel to accept that this is what Hamas wants, but to be relaxed about it, because all parties know it cannot be obtained (at least for a while).
Herein lies the paradox of "disproportionality". Hamas refuses to stop fighting because this would be an acknowledgement that it cannot win against its far more powerful enemy. Yet because it will not disengage from "symbolic" armed struggle, it offers Israel the international justification it needs in order to stay engaged, and with much more deadly effect.
Blair, elbow-deep as he is in the rhetoric of the "war on terror", is as keen to isolate Gaza because of the ideological rhetoric of its leadership as the Israelis are. His line is that a two-state solution can only be achieved if "Palestinian unity" is delivered first. He would not, of course, approve of the sort of Palestinian unity that would be delivered were the Palestinians on the West Bank to vote Hamas as well. Like Israel, he has a certain type of Palestinian unity in mind. Yet in this respect he is making the same insane demand on Hamas as Hamas makes on Israel. He wishes for Hamas-led Gaza to dissolve itself in order that his problem can be solved.
Blair, to his credit, understands at least that the present military action and the long-standing blockade are linked, even if he is wary of making any links that portray Israel as aggressive. Yet he actually signs up to that aggression because he is interested only in challenging the blockade in ways that will damage Hamas. He believes that a peace process cannot be pursued unless Gaza becomes more like the West Bank. Yet one easy way of doing this would be to accord the same rights of governance to Hamas as are accorded to the Palestinian Authority, as long as a ceasefire is respected.
The blockade, therefore, has to be dismantled, except with regard to the import of weapons. Under a ceasefire, there is simply no moral justification for the continued siege against Gaza, the cutting of its water supplies, its electricity, its medical aid, its fuel and its food. Yet Israel continued to do this during the six-month ceasefire that Hamas delivered, because it wishes to disrupt the ability of Hamas to govern the Palestinians who voted for it, not just the ability of Hamas to fire its "symbolic" rockets.
It is unreasonable to attack Gaza because it does not respect a cease-fire that brings it no benefit, but only further pain. It is unreasonable to undermine the democratic choices its people have made, because we do not approve of them. It is unreasonable to sabotage Hamas in its social work as a region's selected administrator, because we fear this may also burnish its popularity as an anti-Zionist group. Yes, the rockets must stop. But so must the siege.
d.orr@independent.co.uk

um Ar de disse...

Rosas em Janeiro...
... estas de mármore frio
... mesmo sendo quente a esperança possível.
Antes o "milagre"...
... das rosas em Janeiro
no tempo em que não havia estufas, mas também ninguém sabia mais uma das histórias negras da contemporaneidade - a do aquecimento global...
.
[Beijo de rosas vermelhas, da cor sangue vivo!]

Véu de Maya disse...

lindíssimo o poema...e tocante a memória de dor...pra quê, este absurdo da guerra?

abraço

Véu de maya.

Victor disse...

Querida MDSOL
Comento a oportunidade do teu post e o alcance do mesmo, juntado o meu sentir para que mais força ele ainda tenha.
Gosto muito de percorrer este espaço de tanta cor e luz que o branco bem simboliza.
Um Bom Ano de 2009.
Beijinhos.